In a morally outraged post courtesy of Reason magazine (now Holocaust revisionist free!), we get to learn the awful truth of what facts convince White Americans to support the prison-industrial complex:

Being made aware of the racial composition of America’s prisons actually bolsters white Americans’ support for intrusive policing and harsh sentencing policies, according to Stanford University researchers Rebecca Hetey and Jennifer Eberhardt.

In one of their experiments, 62 white Californians watched a video showing mug shots of male prison inmates. Some saw a video in which only a quarter of the men were black; in another video, 45 percent were. Afterward, participants were given the opportunity to sign a real petition to amend California’s severe three-strike sentencing statute, which currently mandates 25-years to life in prison upon a third felony offense with no exceptions.

The results: More than half of participants who saw the video with less black men signed the petition. But only 27 percent of those who saw the video with more black inmates signed.

This racialized support also applies to controversial police tactics such as stop-and-frisk:

In a second experiment, 164 white New Yorkers were given statistics about prison populations. Some heard about how blacks—who make up 12 percent of the U.S. population total—account for 40 percent of those in American prisons, with white Americans accounting for 32 percent. Others heard the New York City incarceration stats, where blacks make up 60 percent of those incarcerated and whites just under 12 percent.

Participants were then asked if they wanted to sign a petition to end New York City’s stop-and-frisk policy. About a third (33 percent) of participants who heard the national statistic were willing to sign the petition, while only 12 percent of those who heard the New York City stat would do so. The second group was more likely to say concern over crime made them hesitant to support ending stop-and-frisk policies.

Reason, of course, was very, very upset that the experiment’s results show that when Whites are shown the supposed racial “disparities” of the justice system that they are more likely to support stringent policies—in contrast to what they expected.

The one hopeful thing to take away from this is that a significant number of Whites see non-Whites as the primary cause of crime in our country, and are less inclined to sympathize with members outside of their own race. This is as promising of a sign that White tribalism exists in some for) in modern America—that we can deign to imagine of course.

But then we have to ask ourselves: When the state eliminates these practices for being too “discriminatory,” how will Whites react?

Will Whites begin to see the system that has protected them for the failure that is? Will more Whites drop the “colorblind” pretense and start to see non-Whites as threatening outsiders? Will White tribalism grow as violent crime extends into previously safe enclaves?

Depending on the answers to these questions, the state reducing its containment of crime could invariably lead to more Whites waking up to our shared racial identity. If the state can’t even provide for its people’s basic security, then more will begin looking for alternatives to the state.