Much has been made of the clash between the liberal culture of the 'dope-smoking, prostitution-tolerating, gay-loving' Dutch and the medieval mindset of its fast-growing Muslim minority (future majority?) in order to explain the rise of the PVV (Party For Freedom) in the Netherlands. In short, the idea routinely peddled is that party's rise is explained by the threat Islam poses to the Dutch love of dope, gays, and whores.
This cunning narrative manages to put a leftist spin on the white racial mobilization represented by the rise of the PVV to such an extent that many of those involved in the movement may actually believe that they are doing nothing more than extending the liberalism and freedoms of the 1960s by opposing the medievalization of their country through third world colonization.
Less commented on, however, is the fact that the rise of the PVV bears an inverse relationship to the fortunes of the one significant group of Dutch emigrants to retain their identity in the modern world, namely the Boers. Although the Afrikaner population in South Africa also includes other elements - notably French Huguenots and Germans from German South West Africa (Namibia) - the group is essentially the overseas branch of the Dutch race. As this group has seen its power, wealth, and social position eroded and diminished, so in the 'Mother Country' a party representing the interests of the Dutch race has grown.
Evidence that feelings for their Dutch brethren in the Southern hemisphere may also be contributing to the rise of the PVV came in a recent speech from one of the party's European MPs, Lucas Hartong, who used a debate in the European Parliament on the forthcoming Climate Change Conference in Durban, South Africa (28 Nov - 9 Dec) to launch a scathing attack on anti-White racism in the host country:
"The socio-political climate in South Africa can only be described as horrific under the ANC-regime. Everything needs to be improved there; a battle is needed against the enormous unemployment and growing hopelessness amongst youths; against the terrifying criminality which is out of control; and the ANC should rather concentrate on hunting down and prosecuting the black-racist radicals who are murdering the Boer farmers on their own land in the so-called 'farm-murders.'
"(Under the ANC) it's a battle for the Afrikaner's language, Afrikaans, to survive. There's a battle against the ANC regime’s racial-discrimination and its suppression of its own people: once again in South Africa, there is official racist discrimination based on skin-colour."
One of the rules of successful White nationalist movements in our modern age seems to be that they work best when they keep the racial consciousness that drives them in soft focus, sending out the equivalent of a giant dog whistle signal that allows their target group to identify with them without feeling 'racist' in any way. This is no doubt one of the reasons why the leftist spin put on the PVV's rise is largely accepted in Holland. In America, the implicit Whiteness of the Tea Party finds a similar solace in the figure of Herman Cain.
But the idea that only White consciousness should exist on a subconscious level while non-White groups are allowed to define and assert their group interests in the clear light of day is an obvious aberration that is also clearly racist.
Any movement that fails to be honest, conscious, and precise about why it exists is also susceptible to being subverted, led astray, and seeing its power dissipated. If the White race is to survive in a recognizable form in its traditional homelands against the high tide of globalization, it is essential that White group interests and the organizations that express them move from the implicit level to the explicit while also avoiding the marginalization that this has usually involved.
Mr. Hartong's speech shows that the PVV is not just about protecting Dutch hedonism from the Ayatollahs, something that we can all safely pretend has nothing whatsoever to do with race (D'oh!), but is also increasingly concerned about the ongoing ethnic disaster affecting their racial kin in South Africa, which is about nothing except race. The example of explicit Black racism faced by Boers in South Africa may help Holland's implicit nationalists to wake up and get a little more explicit.